It is as good as official. The 'Kashmir Committee' set-up by Ram Jethmalani is on
the verge of being done away with, after Jethmalani chose to step-in as the defence
counsel for S A R Geelani, one of the prime accused in the attack on the Indian
Parliament, much against the counsel of the North Block, which was providing
benefaction of sorts to the committee in the past.
Jethmalani is also believed to have earned himself a ‘bad name’ after he made
disparaging remarks on the suspension of the passport of the former chairman of All
Party Hurriyat Conference (APHC), Mirwaiz Omar by the Home Ministry, shortly before
he was supposed to go on a what was described as a ‘private visit’ to foreign shores.
It is common knowledge that it was none other than the Deputy Prime Minister L K
Advani himself who had given 'green signal' to Jethmalani to set-up a private
citizen's group consisting of eminent Indian intellectuals to seek and break ice
with the separatist bandwagon in Kashmir, more than ever, the hard to pin down,
(APHC).
That was, however, prior to the electioneering process in Kashmir, when it was in
general felt that the chipping in of APHC, if not essential, was desirable for the
overall health of the democratic process in Kashmir.
Nevertheless, the Kashmir Committee failed in its primary objective to rope in APHC,
something, which did not go well with New Delhi. Furthermore, in the post-election
scenario, the position of New Delhi on Kashmir has enhanced radically, and such any
future negotiations with APHC and company would take place largely on the 'terms and
conditions' laid down by the Home Ministry.
APHC, if the indications are to be believed, is more likely to tone down on its
known rhetoric, and get on with the task of negotiation, which it feels is the only
way out to reinforce its position within its own constituency in Kashmir, something,
if the trends that are emerging, are any signals, is dwindling with each passing day.
The recent reshuffle of Union Cabinet undertaken by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)
has a few pointers for the expected policy measures that are likely to be adopted by
New Delhi vis-à-vis its Kashmir policy. The position of L K Advani has been
considerably consolidated, and from now on, its is all along going to be
Advani's 'hardliner' policy.
A tough antagonistic hardline approach towards the separatist bandwagon is also in
line with the desired position of RSS (and other 'sangh parivar' outfits), and many
believe is also a 'crucial ingredient' for the party's rejuvenated 'nationalism'
mantra in the forthcoming elections to nine states, including Himachal Pradesh and
Madhya Pradesh, which are due soon.
Not to be left behind, Minister of State for Home I D Swami wrote an article for a
leading national daily, sometime back, launching a scathing attack on Mirwaiz Omar,
and his brand of separatist politics setting the likely trends that are to emerge
from New Delhi. And, the likes of such hard-hitting articles – which had more to do
with Omar's antagonistic position towards India in an interview to BBC sometime
back, something that really hurt the Home Ministry – are going to continue.
Nevertheless, it is also generally felt that New Delhi has to undertake talks not
only with the separatist leadership but also with the elected representatives of the
state Legislative Assembly. The 'present timing' for the proposed talks has two
primary reasons: First, it is better to engage separatists now, given that their
position is considerably weakened, not only in their own constituency in Kashmir but
also in the eyes of various influential think-tanks, who have a lot of say in policy
decisions of various western countries.
Second, and most important reason stems from the fact that APHC has in principle
agreed to hold negotiations, without involving Islamabad, at least at this stage.
This is in line with the principled stand of New Delhi, which calls for talks with
APHC and company separated from any consultations with Islamabad on all outstanding
issues including Kashmir.
Furthermore, the People's Democratic Party (PDP)-led government in the state is also
insisting that New Delhi should, as soon as possible, commence negotiations not only
with the members of the legislature but also with the representatives, who symbolise
the 'other section of the public opinion' (read APHC).
PDP has wisely chosen not to talk about the 'nuts and bolts' of the dreadlocks of
the larger Kashmir issue, and has instead concentrated on the issues of good
governance, and more importantly economic revival of the trouble torn state.
Except that there has been a mounting pressure from within its own constituency in
Kashmir, and more importantly, from some of the separatist groups, who has provided
them with clandestine support during the October 2002 elections, to take the onus of
responsibility in facilitating talks with New Delhi.
As a matter of fact, there are hectic behind the scene parleys going on at present
with the intermediaries holding informal consultations with the separatist
bandwagon, including APHC to discuss the 'modalities and broader framework' of the
proposed talks. New Delhi is also believed to be playing it ‘extra safe’ this time
around given that its talks with the Naga rebels, despite flexibility demonstrated
by both sides, remained inconclusive.
For the position of New Delhi's 'chief interlocutor' for the proposed talks, three
names are doing rounds – Wajahat Habibullah, who had successfully mediated the
Hazratbal seize by militants in 90s; A S Daulat, senior officer and former head of
Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), is the officer on special duty for Kashmir in the
PMO; and K C Pant, Deputy Chairman of the Planning Commission and a former mediator
on Kashmir.
Amarjeet Singh Daulat, who has all along been in touch with the separatist
leadership, including that of APHC appeared to be a front runner for the job, given
his vast experience as the head of RAW, but Mufti Sayeed, it appears is not too
comfortable these days with Daulat, which has made North Block, and the PMO to
explore other candidates.
It is pertinent to recall that till not long ago Mufti Sayeed and Daulat shared an
excellent rapport, however the recent exclusion of a close confident of Daulat, B K
Vaishnavi (a PDP leader from the Kashmiri 'pandit' community) from the recently
expanded Council of Ministers in J&K has led to an antagonistic feeling between the
two, with Daulat, explicitly making known to Sayeed that he is not at all happy.
Chief Minister Mufti Sayeed, it is believed is in favour of K C Pant as the
interlocutor for holding talks with the representatives as well as the separatists.
It may be recalled that K C Pant's first mission on Kashmir did not achieve much
success, with APHC, then adopting an antagonistic approach, refusing to talk with
him, without the participation of Islamabad. What his Mission Kashmir (part I) did
achieve was a vertical split in Hizbul Mujahideen, but that was largely attributed
to Daulat and company.
But, it is more than likely that Pant (who appears to be the front runner) would be
able to break ice, this time, with the separatists more than eager to occupy
positions across the negotiating table. So to say that the talks are inevitable
would be to state the obvious. However, to expect that the process would be able to
throw up clear-cut solutions to the complex Kashmir issue, in the very near future,
would not be pragmatic.
The negotiation process, as and when, it is underway is going to be a prolonged one,
with the two sides sticking to their guns (read public posturing) to begin with.
But, yes it would be a beginning in the right direction.
*In exclusive arrangement with KashmirTELEGRAPH.com
