Islamabad: As President and Army chief, Pervez Musharraf has his fingers on every pie. Whether this is good for governance or not is a moot question, but the General sees himself as a conduit between the military and the civilian society.

On the other hand, in the wake of the government-Opposition standoff on the Legal Framework Order (LFO), he was forced to admit that the concept of dual post is untenable, something which makes democracy a sham. Yet he sticks to the uniform.

This puts Musharraf in a catch-22 situation, says an editorial in 'The Nation'. But the LFO crisis keeps on deepening and will cast a shadow on the upcoming Budget session, as also on the President's Washington trip later in June.

It is officially argued that the current regional and international situation underscores the need to keep Musharraf both as President and Chief of Army Staff (COAS). How this actually helps is not explained. But, as the Opposition says, isn't a full-time COAS better for the job, who will not have to bother about political and diplomatic matters?

However, neither the President nor the Opposition has discussed in public the real reason behind the decision. But the President's theoretician, general Naqvi, was more candid during a press conference in Washington after the President left the USA.

Asked if he was afraid a new Army chief might try to encourage the forces opposed to the President if he quits charge of the military, Naqvi's response was an emphatic yes, the editorial adds.

Because of the LFO and other legislative and executive steps, Musharraf has become the most powerful President in Pakistan's history. If that is not enough to give him security from a scheming Army chief, no civilian President or Prime Minister operating within constitutional confines could ever rule the country.

Musharraf has discretionary powers to make key appointments in the military, the judiciary and the executive branch. In allocation of special seats in the Assembly and the Senate, the nominees of the General got the first preference, as is the case with the Cabinet.

Then, he has his hand in formulation and execution of policies in almost every department. The Defence Minister has hardly anything to do with defence, so he fights for retaining control over the Pakistan International Airlines (PIA) and allied departments. The Finance Minister is his nominee and runs the policies of his regime.

Next, foreign affairs are his exclusive domain. He presides over all the important meetings on all the important foreign issues held at Army House. He makes key trips and receives important telephonic calls and visitors from abroad, and has now pledged to devote more time on education, health and investment.

But the Army chief, the editorial comments, should have no business to involve himself in politics and endanger political stability. The country must do something about it.

ANI