Sunday, June 18 2006 12:03 Hrs (IST) - World Time -

Washington: Following is excerpted from an important speech, with strong and positive references to the US-India nuclear deal, made by US Senate Foreign Relations Committee chairman Dick Lugar after he received his 40th honorary degree Friday from the Naval War College in Newport, Rhode Island.

"Let me discuss with you a current debate before the Congress and our country. I believe it is critical that the US Congress come to conclusions about President Bush's proposed civilian nuclear agreement with India," he said.

The India agreement represents the most important strategic diplomatic initiative undertaken by President Bush, and it represents a fundamental departure from the crisis management mentality that has dominated foreign policy in both the executive and legislative branches in recent years.

By concluding this pact and the far-reaching set of cooperative agreements that accompany it, President Bush has embraced a long-term outlook that seeks to enhance the core strength of our foreign policy in a way that will give us new diplomatic options and improve global stability.

With this agreement, the President and Secretary (Condoleezza) Rice are asking Congress to see the opportunities that lie beyond the horizon of the current presidential term.

As such, a Congressional rejection of the agreement or an open-ended delay -- risks wasting a critical opportunity to begin to expand beyond our Cold War alliance structures to include dynamic nations with whom our interests are converging.

Many Members of Congress, including myself, have been studying the implications of the nuclear pact on non-proliferation policy.

India has not signed the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, and it has developed and tested nuclear weapons.

"The US-India agreement would allow India to receive nuclear fuel, technology, and reactors from the United States benefits that were previously denied to it because of its status outside the treaty. We should be concerned about the precedent set by this action, and we must ensure that this agreement does not undercut our own responsibilities under the Nonproliferation Treaty," he said.

But I believe that we can do that satisfactorily. Both Houses of Congress are working through language that would guide our policy toward India. I believe that we can help solidify New Delhi's commitments to implement strong export controls, separate its civilian nuclear infrastructure from its weapons programme, and place civilian facilities under IAEA safeguards.



This agreement also would be a powerful incentive for India to cooperate closely with the United States in stopping proliferation and to abstain from further nuclear weapons tests. These outcomes could represent important advancements for non-proliferation policy.

The Administration's declaration that we would welcome India's advancement as a major economic and political player on the world stage represents a strategic decision to invest political capital in a country with a vibrant democracy, rapidly growing economy, and increasing clout.



With a well-educated middle class that is larger than the entire US population, India can be an anchor of stability in Asia and an engine of global economic growth.

It can also be a key partner in countering global extremist trends. Both of our countries understand the importance of opposing violent movements through the promotion of religious pluralism, tolerance, and democratic freedoms.

As a country with well-entrenched democratic traditions and the world's second largest Muslim population, India can set an example of a multi-religious and multi-cultural democracy in an otherwise volatile region. India's growing energy demand likely to double within 20 years makes global energy security an integral part of our strategic dialogue and provides important opportunities for cooperation.

"I introduced S. 1950 the 'U.S.-India Energy Security Cooperation Act last November to take advantage of these opportunities to cooperate with India on reducing global oil dependence. The bill, which has been passed by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, promotes and authorizes funding for joint research and development of alternative energy sources and clean coal technologies," he said.

It is essential that we elevate our energy dialogue with India and work together to increase the availability of clean energy and help stabilize world energy markets. We already are beginning to see strategic benefits from developing closer relations with India. For instance, India's votes at the IAEA on the Iran issue last September and this past February demonstrate that New Delhi is able and willing to adjust its traditional foreign policies and play a constructive role on international issues.

While acknowledging that India prizes its strategic autonomy, it will have increasing incentives to use its influence to help sway debates and events in other areas that serve stability and global economic progress.

Building on our Relationship with China

"Whenever discussions of the strategic vision behind the India nuclear agreement occur, inevitably, the subject of China arises. Some analysts contend that India's ability to act as a counterweight to China is the primary strategic benefit of the deal. Though I understand the impulse behind this thinking, it oversimplifies global relationships in the 21st Century, and it underestimates the broader value of engaging India as a partner in a changing world.

Both India and the United States have reason to be vigilant about the growth of Chinese military power, but it is far from clear how a U.S.-Indian partnership of the type envisioned by the agreement would contain China or why India would participate with the United States in such a containment regime.

"We should not see India as a card to play in balance of power games. Alliances based on shared dangers can have a long shelf life if the threat is intense enough, but they are rarely transformational. We need more from India than security cooperation. We need a partner that sits at the intersection of several strategic regions and that can be a bulwark for stability, democracy, and pluralism," he said.

Seeing India as merely a counterbalance to China also makes the mistake of presuming that China is destined to be an enemy. Even as the United States must speak forthrightly about our current differences with China over numerous issues, we should not assume that we cannot build a foundation of mutual interests with China that will support a positive relationship with that nation over time.

In fact, we have been doing this for several decades with varying degrees of success. China is our third largest trading partner and our fourth largest export market. U.S.-China trade has increased from just $5 billion in 1980 to $285 billion in 2005. China has become an enormous stakeholder in the international economy. The scope of our relationship with China is circumscribed by that nation's lack of democracy and its troubling human rights record. But few problems in Asia are going to be addressed without the cooperation of China.

Beyond trade and investment, we have mutual interests in regional stability, combating diseases that know no borders, and developing new energy sources that relieve our dependence on fossil fuels. "It is no coincidence that the future of our relations with India and China intersect heavily with energy. Although a consumer cartel is probably not a viable response, fossil fuel dependent nations can forge agreements that further energy technology and conservation," he said.