Washington: The end of 2007 is a good time to evaluate where the US-Indian relationship has been and where it might be headed. In the years since the end of the Cold War signalled US predominance and the unleashing of the forces of globalisation, the United States and India have steadily strengthened their economic, political and strategic partnership. Yet in 2007 India put on hold a major component of that relationship, the long negotiated and widely anticipated nuclear agreement.

The era of globalisation is a time of great opportunity in foreign policy, more than the country has seen in the past several hundred years. Current Indian leaders can make their decisions within the context of what appears to be an emerging multipolar era, one in which the United States is likely to remain the preeminent power for some decades but will gradually be forced to share its overall economic, political, and military preeminence with others — with India itself, Europe, China, and to lesser extent, regional powers such as Russia and Iran. Such a world should allow India to maintain a close economic, political, and strategic relationship with the United States, and at the same time to maintain independence and flexibility in its relationships with other countries.

Leadership is a risky business and in no field is it riskier than in foreign policy. It is also highly complicated. Leaders in foreign policy must simultaneously operate on two levels — internal and international — and hardest of all is that these two levels are constantly interacting. This year the Prime Minister of India was made keenly aware of this. What seemed to be a workable and desirable plan, came up against the realities of the internal politics of the Congress coalition. The nuclear deal with the United States, which promised India not just inclusion but a strong welcome into the nuclear club, is now frozen and perhaps derailed. Although both the Indian Prime Minister and the American President continue to support and push for the agreement, its future is unclear.

One important lesson of the experience, however, is that in a democracy, foreign policy can become hostage to domestic politics. At the same time, serious differences between India and the United States have emerged over Iran. Whereas the United States views Iran as a major disturber of international security, India values its long-term relationship with that country and it recently announced — in spite of US disapproval — its plans to build a pipeline with Iran to bring it much needed energy supplies. Pakistan, too, stands in the way of the US-Indian relationship, as the United States regards Pakistan as an ally against terrorism. India, on the other hand, sees Pakistan as a supporter of terrorism. Other pressures, however,will tend to push India and the United States together.

Although India shares interests with China, the increasingly competitive nature of their relationship argues for a closer one with the United States. Just a few years ago, it appeared that China and India might heal the scars of the war of 1962. Yet today China still claims land in Arunachai Pradesh, competition over energy supplies continues, and China’s influence with close neighbors such as Bangladesh and Myanmar and its nuclear and overall security cooperation with Pakistan cause concern. Indian strategic cooperation with the United States and its allies such as Japan is thus likely to increase not decrease in the years ahead. So the US-Indian relationship will not only survive the challenges encountered in 2007 but promises to become increasingly fundamental to both.

For this to happen, new leadership in the United States will have to stay the course. American leaders will have to recognise that theirs is not the only country in which internal politics can derail foreign policy. And for the United States, success will also mean adjusting to a less commanding position in the world, and understanding that its friends will at times have differing interests.

For Indian leaders, the major challenges are internal. A successful foreign policy demands not only the ability to manoeuvre within the world of international politics, but the ability to manoeuvre internally and sell a foreign policy at home. At no time is this more necessary — and yet more difficult — than when the world and the country are changing rapidly. Such is the case with India today. Its leaders must continue to develop a foreign policy that allows it to play a large and responsible role in international affairs commensurate with its new economic power, fits with emerging geopolitical realities, and reflects Indian values and traditions.

Source : DNAIndia